Christopher Dresser is now one of
the most fashionable names in design history - and in antique
dealing. Dresser’s main occupation as a designer – of almost anything
and everything – and his business mainly involved selling his designs to
manufacturers. The matter of interest to this web site, concerned
as it is with the history of Wolverhampton, is what did Dresser do in
Wolverhampton and for its companies. Wolverhampton was one of the
greatest centres for the production of hollowwares and other domestic
items. And little is known about who actually designed most of
Wolverhampton’s products. It seems as if most of it was done in
house but it is hard to be more specific than that. But it is
clear that there was, in Wolverhampton, a greater interest in design
than there was in many other manufacturing centres. Wolverhampton,
under the influence of George Wallis, showed a consistent interest in
matters of good design. Wolverhampton makers were consistent exhibitors
at international exhibitions and Wolverhampton organised more than its
fair share of industrial exhibitions, both before and after the Great
Exhibition of 1851. As late as the exhibition of 1902 it was Orme, of
Orme Evans, a leading light in the organisation of the exhibition, who
was still busily explaining that one of the aims of such exhibitions was
the improvement of standards of design. And Wolverhampton had its
own art school from 1851. It may not have been large but it was
there and it was teaching students with the intention that they should
be industrial designers.
1. The problems
of finding Dresser
If we are to look for Dresser in
Wolverhampton we immediately run up against the standard problem in
researching Dresser: there is very little written evidence,
especially from Dresser himself. What documentation there is tends
to come from the archives of the companies he worked for or to be
secondary. This material does give us excellent evidence of some
of Dresser’s designs. More evidence comes from finding pieces
which are marked with Dresser’s name and, fortunately, Dresser seems to
have been keen to have manufacturers put his name on pieces he had
designed (a commercially useful thing for both parties and maybe also a
reference to Dresser’s interest in Japanese productions). Of
course, Victorian businessmen were not quite as fussy as we might be
about the authenticity of their claims and it is possible that pieces
which proclaim themselves to have been designed by Dresser were not.
After that we are left with
trying to identify pieces as being by Dresser on “stylistic grounds”.
That means saying that a piece looks as if it was designed by Dresser.
In assessing whether a Wolverhampton made object was designed by
Dresser, or was simply influenced by Dresser, or had nothing at all to
do with Dresser, there is a number of matters to be taken into account.
Most of these are fairly obvious and well known (and carefully taken
into account by the authors of most published accounts of Dresser’s
work) but some of them at least are worth setting out here, not least
because there is little documentary evidence of Dresser in Wolverhampton
and attribution on stylistic grounds is very often going to be all we
have to go on in trying to establish which firms, if any, he worked for.
a) First, the most obvious
difficulty: if an object looks like a Dresser design, does that mean it
was designed by Dresser? Much of the argument about what Dresser
designed or did not design revolves around this problem, which is one
well known to archaeologists as well as others. If vase A is by Dresser
and vase B looks very much like it, it is tempting to say that vase B is
by Dresser. Then vase C is found and looks very much like vase B and the
temptation is to say that therefore vase C must be by Dresser. Then vase
D comes along and has features in common with vase C. So vase D is a
great risk of being identified as being by Dresser too and that may
happen even though vase D is nothing much like vase A at all.
This problem is made more severe
if anyone trying to identify a Dresser article on stylistic grounds
seizes upon single features. As Angeline Johnson has pointed out to me,
it is easy to identify the spout on a water can or the handle of a ewer
as being like those on known Dresser jugs. But that does not make a
Dresser design. You have to look at the whole object and all its
features to get near the truth.
b) Nearly all of these
pieces have peculiarities which are now identified as indicators of
Dresser. What we do not seem to know is whether or not Dresser designed
items which do not have these now well known indicators. It is notable
that in his book on interior design he refers to his characteristic
style as the "new style", separating it out from designs which we might
refer to as being in the mainstream tradition. This, as well as his
other writings, suggest that Dresser designed in the mainstream too.
Further, if we consider the size of his studio operation and its
apparent success, it seems highly likely that the known designs would
not have fully occupied or fully financed it. He must have
designed very many things which nowadays we would not identify as
Dresserish. If this body of work does in fact exist then we
do not know the full range of his work. This matters when establishing
what work Dresser did in Wolverhampton, simply as a matter of accuracy
and record – Dresser might have designed lots of things made in
Wolverhampton but without any of the style peculiarities (and very
peculiar some of them are) which is all we often have to identify his
pieces. It also matters in establishing what one is actually doing when
attributing items to Dresser on design grounds.
c) This problem is
related to, but not covered by, the problem that Dresser’s design
principles could have lead others to produce designs similar to his.
Take, for example, his emphasis on working with materials, not against
them; and on producing functional objects; and on the need to understand
production methods. All of these, like much else in his design theory,
comes directly from the South Kensington School and could be described
as a commonplace of Victorian industrial art. Certainly they are points
which were constantly re-iterated by George Wallis. It seems to me that
if a manufacturer decided to produce a water can for domestic use, and
designed it in accordance with these principles, he is likely to have
come up with much the same result as Dresser would have done. Similar
materials and similar production methods, applied to similar articles,
produce similar designs. As an example we may take what we might call
Dresser’s straight sided vessels. It has to be remembered that, part
from a cylinder, the easiest shape to make from sheet metal is a cone.
The cut out sheet only needs bending, not hammering or pressing or
stamping into shape. That is why so many metalware water ewers are
conical – or, to be precise, the bodies of them are, since the top of
the cone has been removed, frustra of right cones. Many of the
vessels which are said to be characteristic of Dresser are simply one or
more frustra connected to each other. Such a design is quick and simple
and follows from manufacturing cheaply.
d) We might
say that the next problem is that of Dresser’s influence. If we
have an object which looks as if it might have been designed by Dresser
then, before saying it is by Dresser, we have to bear in mind that
Dresser wanted other people to design objects in his style. He saw
himself not just as a designer but as a teacher of design. He points out
that, wherever he went, he tried to write articles in local newspapers
and to give talks to local groups. This was not just pr work. And it was
in addition to his books and the articles he produced in national
magazines. He was a publicist for good design. It seems to me
that if a place like Wolverhampton was not producing articles in his
style, Dresser would have been disappointed.
What that indicates for
Wolverhampton designs it is hard to say. The factors are that Dresser
was certainly known in Wolverhampton; his practice and his cause may
even have been promoted by George Wallis. Dresser’s work for Perry may
have acted as good pr and encouraged other Wolverhampton firms to
commission him.
But on the other hand we have to
allow for the fact that most firms in Wolverhampton knew exactly what
the other firms were producing. Wulfrunian manufacturers were probably
not immune from the common Victorian practice of freely copying other
people’s successful idea. The introduction to a catalogue, from
about 1890, issued by Orme Evans says: "We are prepared to supply
almost every article in sheet iron, steel, brass, copper or enamel, and
our close touch with the trade throughout the United Kingdom enables us
to be constantly bringing our articles thoroughly 'up to date' and
exactly suited to British tastes and requirements". The least that
shows is a willingness to be, shall we say, heavily influenced by other
people's designs. The commercial travellers would report on what
was on the market and what was selling and the company would react
accordingly.
e) Nor is there any reason
to suppose that Wolverhampton makers were incapable of producing their
own designs, quite uninfluenced by Dresser. Because of the context in
which they were working their designs might tend towards looking
Dresserish. And they could read Dresser’s books and articles as
well as anyone else. They were open to influence by Dresser and there is
no reason to assume that any article they produced which looks
Dresserish was not designed by them.
2. Dresser’s
connections with Wolverhampton
Bearing in mind all those
caveats, and noting that how firmly one attributes anything to Dresser
depends on the evidence and, especially, the weight one attaches to the
evidence, we can now start the search for Dresser in Wolverhampton.
It is best to start with the case which is established beyond reasonable
doubt and then to proceed to other suggestions.
Richard Perry Son and Co
The strongest evidence that
Dresser had anything at all to do with Wolverhampton is the work he did
for Richard Perry Son and Co.. That Dresser did design for this company
is established beyond a peradventure, both by the evidence of Pevsner’s
original article on Dresser and by signed pieces. If all the pieces
illustrated in Andrew Everett’s works were indeed designed by Dresser
himself, then the amount of work he did for that company was
considerable.
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Water can by Perry. The
square shape is unusual for these items. The hoop
handle, sometimes quoted as a Dresser characteristic, is a
commonplace and was used on watering cans at least as far
back as the early 19th century. There are no raised
lines round the body to strengthen it.
Photo by courtesy of Ken
Cummings. |
Chamberstick by Perry. A
Dresser design. The shape of the handle makes for an
unbalanced design but at least it is practical. Most
of Dresser's other designs for Perry's chambersticks are
quite impractical and would result in burnt fingers at the
least. |
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'Kordofan'
chamber-stick, which was made by Perry in conjunction
with Christopher Dresser.
It was produced in brass, or tinplate, and
enamelled in the fashionable colours of the period. This
example, unusually, is in the original finish.
He also has another example, with no Dresser label,
that was produced by Griffith and Browett Limited, of
Birmingham. |
A close-up view of the maker's mark. |
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A George Wallis connection
But there are other, more
tenuous links, as well. There are many indications of close links
between Dresser and George Wallis.. The relevance of this is that Wallis
was a Wolverhampton man by origin and, although he lived and worked in
many other places, spending most of his working life in London, he
remained a Wulfrunian, visiting the place often. His children saw him as
a Wulfrunian: they erected a memorial to him in St. Peter’s church in
Wolverhampton and arranged a memorial exhibition to him in the
Wolverhampton Art Gallery. Dresser a pupil at the South Kensington
School when Wallis was a teacher there and seems to have thought that
Wallis was one of the best of them because his practical experience of
machine work informed his views of design and his teaching and practice
of design. The apparent regard of one man for the other may also have
had some base in both of them being the only members of the set who did
not have a university education – something that Dresser’s later
enthusiasm for his doctorate seems to emphasise.
There are later indications that
the two men maintained contact. When Wallis was presenting to the
Royal Society the results of his attempts to develop a cheap and
effective reprographic system for the better distribution of images, he
specifically mentions that Dr. Dresser was working on a similar project.
The fact that he knew about it and no one did, suggests a continuing
connection.
One of Wallis’s main interests
in Wolverhampton was the Art School and a leading supporter of the Art
School was Henry Loveridge. There seems to be a possible link between
Wallis, Loveridge and Dresser, a link which would have been based on a
mutual interest in design.
Chubbs
Much of Dresser’s furniture was
produced by Chubbs. Chubbs were, of course, a Wolverhampton firm.
This might be taken as suggesting that Chubbs were another of Dresser's
Wolverhampton links. But the member of the Chubb family with whom
Dresser had contact seems to have lived in London. Chubb's head
offices were in London and they had a safe making factory there;
Wolverhampton was their main manufacturing centre, not the place where
the leading decision makers lived and worked. Although Dresser’s
furniture designs appear in the Chubb Archive it seems most likely that
this furniture making activity was a personal sideline of Mr. Chubb
rather than something which was integrated into the rest of the firm.
And as for Wolverhampton: there was no furniture making tradition there
at all. Chubb furniture must have been made in London. And is
there any evidence of Dresser designs in Chubb’s core business of safes,
locks and keys? There is plenty of scope for such design work but I know
of no evidence, even stylistic, of its having taken place. (The
same might be said for the other great Wolverhampton locksmiths,
Gibbons).
Oliver Wendell Holmes
The most interesting other
evidence of Dresser’s Wolverhampton connection is a brief entry in
Oliver Wendell Holmes’ "One Hundred Days in Europe" (Houghton Mifflin
and Co, 1888), which records his trip round Europe in 1886. Referring to
the window shopping he did in London and commenting on the goods he saw,
Holmes said (p.223): "I greatly admired some of Dr. Dresser’s water-cans
and other contrivances, modelled more or less after the antique .... I
should have regarded Wolverhampton, as we glided through it, with more
interest, if I had known at that time that the inventive Dr. Dresser had
his headquarters in that busy-looking town". That remark raises many
interesting questions but what we get out of it is that Holmes thought
that in about April 1886 Dresser "had his headquarters" in
Wolverhampton.
The only comment I can find on
this is in Stuart Durant’s book, Christopher Dresser, Academy Editions,
1993, where he says (p.39) that "Dresser’s ‘headquarters’ were never, as
far as I know, in Wolverhampton. In 1866 they were at Wellesley Lodge"
and he seems to treat this reference as some sort of misunderstanding by
Holmes. (I might as well note here, as anywhere, that Durant goes on to
say "But what of the watering cans?" In fact Holmes talked about "water
cans" which are quite different).
But Holmes was a careful and
reliable observer and there seems to be no reason for doubting that
Dresser did have his "headquarters" in Wolverhampton. Where Holmes
picked up his information is not clear but somebody gave it to him - and
that somebody would not have meant that Dresser’s offices and studios
were in Wolverhampton but that Dresser was temporarily staying there and
conducting business from there. The reference is not to the idea of the
modern corporate headquarters but to the contemporary military field
headquarters. We know that Dresser travelled about a lot, selling his
services and delivering designs. We also know that he did a lot of work
in and around the Black Country. It would be natural for him to stay for
some while in Wolverhampton whilst visiting manufacturers in that town
and the district. Wolverhampton was the biggest place in the Black
Country, had good rail connections with London and good rail and other
connections with the rest of the Black Country and the surrounding area.
Even Kendricks and Coalbrookdale would have been within reach.
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The Swan on
High Green (on the left with the balcony and model swan over
it) was a favourite hotel for the many merchants, factors,
salesmen and other commercial people who came in great
numbers to "that busy-looking town".
Much business was
conducted in the hotel and on the pavement of High Green
outside. At the Swan Dresser could have made many
contacts and actually conducted his business. |
It would be interesting to wade
through the local press of the time to see if there are any references
to Dr. Dresser but the foregoing by itself shows that Dresser certainly
had several connections with Wolverhampton; and that therefore we should
not be surprised to find designs by him being produced by Wolverhampton
makers; and, just as much, we should not be surprised to find designs
influenced by Dresser being produced by Wolverhampton makers.
Dresser and Dresserish
designs from Wolverhampton.
Andrew Everett suggests that in
addition to the established case of Richard Perry Son & Co., other
Wolverhampton makers who may have used Dresser designs were John
Marston, Henry Fearncombe, Orme-Evans and Henry Loveridge.
Henry Loveridge
The case of Loveridge has often
been raised (on this web site and elsewhere) but in connection with
artmetalware. Andrew Everett extends the association to Loveridge
designs for japanned ware, which is important not least because it gives
the earliest date – c.1866-68 – for Dresser doing something in
Wolverhampton. This is based largely on finding a page of designs,
in Dresser's style, in one of the books of designs which are said to
have belonged to Henry Loveridge. Even accepting that these books
were the working design books of Henry Loveridge (and the matter is not
absolutely certain), the fact that there is such a limited number of
Dresserish designs amongst all the pages in all the books, suggests that
it was a note of a matter of interest; and the fact that there are no
more would suggest that the interest went no further. The fact
that examples of these designs subsequently appearing on actual pieces
are unknown, does little to re-inforce the idea that Loveridge had
commissioned designs from Dresser.
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Two jugs by Loveridge, the
"Japanese" jug (right) and an unnamed jug (left), a
variation of the "Dutch" jug. The angular handles are
all that might be associated with Dresser - but they were by
no means his alone. |
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Loveridge may have noted with
disappointment that only six of his apprentices attended the Art School,
but six informed designers in his company would be a good start.
Loveridge had consistently been represented at exhibitions around the
world and took a close a continuing interest in design which he promoted
and wrote about. I do not see that there is any need for Loveridge
to have engaged Dresser or any other outside designer and do not think
it likely that he did so. The Loveridge catalogue of 1898 refers
to the company as "patentees, designers and manufacturers" - or, to put
it another way, they did their own thing from start to finish. As
designers they may have been influenced by Dresser and, as manufacturers
and designers, they would have designed things in a way which was very
much led by manufacturing considerations - and might therefore end up
with designs like those of Dresser or anyone else operating on that
principle.
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The "Dutch" jug (left) and the and
an unnamed jug (right). Again the possible Dresser
influence is minimal. Perhaps the squareish handles
are typically Loveridge rather than typically Dresser. |
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Items of Loveridge’s art
metalware can be found which show some features which may also be found
in Dresser designs – for example, scalloped edges and exposed rivets -
but this is a long way from saying that Dresser designed them. It
may be that Loveridge was influenced by Dresser. Or was it the
other way round?
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A japanned vase. Note that
this vase, the simple shape of which makes it liable to be
attributed to Dresser, consists of four frustra and is a
typical tinsmith's design. The decoration is quite
unlike anything attributable to Dresser.
Photo by courtesy of
Wolverhampton City Council. |
The "Parisian" hot water can.
Loveridge's name for this can associates it with the French
watering cans with hooped handles known from the 1820s,
rather than with Dresser. |
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John Marston
Andrew Everett’s identification
of John Marston as a maker of art metalware, and of the identification
of the pieces he made, was a valuable new development.
Photo by courtesy of Andrew Everett. |
Everitt suggests that there is a
possibility that Dresser designed for Marston and he prays
in aid mainly two items. One is a kettle which looks
strikingly like the well known Benham and Froud kettle
in copper and brass – but which is, at best, a variant of it
with a square section spout which seems purely capricious
and which contrast unpleasantly with the rest of the kettle.
The other is a brass jug which is
“extremely similar” to a Watcombe pottery jug – which is
thought, on stylistic grounds, to be by Dresser. |
This, I think, is an association too
far. It is noticeable that Marston’s jug is a typical
tinsmith’s design – two frustra and a cylinder; only
the handle is not a very natural use of the material.
The oddity is that the Watcombe jug is a ceramic and is not
a natural shape for that material. I would hesitate
slightly before suggesting that the Watcombe design may have
been derived from metalware rather than the other way
round. |
Three variations of
Marston's jugs. |
A wide range of Marston's domestic wares is not
known but it does seem that most of them that are known have quite
strong stylistic associations with Dresser. Martson himself is not
known as having any great personal interest in design
or art but if a second Dresser client, after Perry, is to be found, he
seems to be the best candidate.
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Marston's ewers are noticeably
squatter than those of other local makers, perhaps
suggesting that Marston did not follow the easy course of
copying other's designs. |
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Orme Evans
Everett also (in an illustration
from a catalogue) makes a case for Orme Evans possibly being a client of
Dresser. As Orme was a leading light in the 1902 Exhibition, in
which capacity he expressed his concern about the continuing need for
education in good design, he must have been interested in design.
He would have known about Dresser. His designs might have been
influenced by Dresser’s. But there is no evidence to go any
further than that.
Henry Fearncombe
It can be said that Fearncombe
took an early interest in design and exhibited at the big exhibitions.
But so little is known of his products that the association with Dresser
is as tenuous as Orme’s.
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Chamberstick by Fearncombe.
Although reminiscent of Dresser's work for Perry, this is a
very easy to make design and might have come from any
tinsmith's shop. |
Water jug by Fearncombe.
Not unlike some Loveridge designs, or the Watcombe vase,
this is a typical tinsmith's design with a wooden handle for
insulation purposes - and which is most easily made and
attached by this right angled system. |
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Water can by Fearncombe. In
so far as it has a reinforcing band, it is right at the top
- not a structurally sound place to put it. The spout
is almost a commonplace but the handle seems to be unique to
Fearncombe.
All three of these items might be
said to be influenced by Dresser. |
Other makers including one
pottery
Other makers of art metalware
seem to show no Dresser influence at all. For example the very large
producers, Sankey, were only down the road at Bilston, but there is
nothing in their currently known products to suggest anything by
Dresser. The other point to make is that Andrew Everett refers to
Loveridge’s japanned wares but all the other possible instances of
Dresser in Wolverhampton are in the area of art metalware. There is not
much point in looking round Wolverhampton for Dresser designs in the
many other types of products which he is known to have designed and
which were probably his major areas of output. To all intents and
purposes there was no manufacture of carpets, wallpaper, glass,
textiles, furniture or ceramics in Wolverhampton.
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The only possible exception which may
just be worth noting in this context is the remarkable, but
almost unknown, work of the Myatt pottery at Bilston. The
firm seems to have given free reign to a number of designers
and one or two of their productions could, very tentatively,
be seen as Dresserish, particularly if you accept an angular
handle as being symptomatic of Dresser. But the fact
that they had in-house potter-designs rather suggests they
would not have bought in designs. |
Myatt seem to have produced this studio art pottery from
about 1890 to about 1914, which seems a bit late for Dresser
pottery. But by then the Dresser style may have been
part of the accepted canon. |
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3. A sort of conclusion
It is as certain as such a thing
can be that Dresser designed for Perry. So Dresser had at least
one connection with Wolverhampton. It is unlikely, though
possible, that he only had one. If we take into account Holmes’s
remark about Dresser’s headquarters, then it becomes somewhat more
likely that Dresser designed for more than Perry alone in the immediate
vicinity. One takes into account also that this was the centre of
production for domestic wares of all kinds, just the sort of thing that
Wallis and other design gurus of the time wanted to ensure were objects
of beauty in every home. Dresser would have had policy reasons and
strong practical reasons to work the area as thoroughly as possible.
It therefore seems likely that
Dresser designed for Wolverhampton maker’s other than Perry. The
only evidence we have is that these may have included Loveridge,
Marston, Orme Evans and Fearncombe. But the evidence is not very
convincing. It can all be explained in ways other than saying that
Dresser designed it.
What I am arguing here may
amount to saying that Dresser was influential. It seems to me that there
has been an unresolved problem in the study of Dresser. After his death
he seems to have been almost immediately forgotten. His name came to
attention again in Pevsner’s 1937 article and after that he became not
much more than a footnote. It is only in the last decade or so that a
number of books and exhibitions have elevated his status and fame. The
argument of these books and exhibitions seems to have been that Dresser
was a brilliant designer. But if he was so brilliant, why did he have no
followers? Why was he not influential? In his time he was financially
successful and some of his designs, at least, must have sold well,
otherwise he would not have got repeat orders. Would that not encourage
imitators? It seems to me to be arguable that the many Wolverhampton
products with Dresserish features show, not that Dresser designed them,
but that he was influential, in his own time, as a designer. To
attribute to Dresser anything which looks in any way like his "new
style" designs is, in effect, to deny that he had any influence on
design.
There is a related problem. Many of Dresser's
design principles arise from an application of principles (such as the
importance of function, of truth to materials, of the influence of
manufacturing meothods) which were espoused and set out before the time
Dresser was at art school and were taught to him while he was there -
and continued to be taught by Wallis and others throughout the
nineteenth century. When we see these principles in practice we
may not be seeing the influence of Dresser but the influence of Wallis
and others.
I say all that subject to this
query: should one say that some Wolverhampton products have
Dresser features on them – or that some Dresser designs have features
from Wolverhampton products on them?
References
The main publications which
relate to Dresser and Wolverhampton are:
Andrew Everett, "Wolverhampton
Japanned Ware" (in Harry Lyons, Christopher Dresser: The People’s
Designer, 1834 – 1904, Antique Collector’s Club, 2005, at pp. 217 – 227)
Andrew Everett, “Christopher
Dresser: the Art and Craft of Design”, Archenfield Decorative Arts
Society, 2006 (the catalogue of the exhibition of the same name at
Hereford Museum and Art Gallery, 20th January to 3rd
March 2007).
Both of those publications deal
with Wolverhampton specifically (as well as with much else). The
other now standard works on Dresser mention Perry but not much else.
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